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We remain cautious in interpreting precisely what this effect may index, but it could potentially indicate that readers sometimes attempted to Saracatinib purchase coerce an interpretation in which the pronoun was linked to a syntactically illicit but gender matching QP antecedent, with this coercion of a syntactically illicit interpretation leading to longer reading times. The time-course of this effect, appearing at the sentence final region and delayed in comparison to stereotypical gender violations between the DP and pronoun, may indicate that it reflects a relatively late interpretive process that tries to coerce an otherwise dispreferred interpretation for the pronoun. Similar to Sturt's (2003) defeasible filter hypothesis, we propose that the time-course of effects observed in Experiment 4 may indicate that initially, retrieval operations attempt to retrieve syntactically licit antecedents only. Readers may sometimes try to coerce syntactically illicit interpretations during comparatively later stages of processing however, perhaps during reanalysis after initially retrieving a syntactically licit, but gender-mismatching antecedent. We note also however that other interpretations of this delayed effect are possible. Kush et al. (2015) for example, found that non c-commanding QPs did not influence reading times during early stages of anaphor resolution in sentences like (4b), but did find some suggestive evidence of delayed effects of non c-commanding QPs influencing processing in measures that included second-pass processing. They claimed that such delayed effects might index coercion of an additional referential antecedent for the pronoun from the set of antecedents implied by the quantifier. In this sense, when the pronoun matches the gender of a non c-commanding QP in sentences like (8c), the delayed effect we observed may index coercion of a referential antecedent (an old woman) from the set of antecedents implied by the QP (every old woman). We do not attempt to tease apart these two interpretations here. Irrespective of how these effects are to be interpreted, as they appear delayed in comparison to effects of syntactically licit antecedents, we maintain that retrieval operations initially attempt to retrieve grammatically licit antecedents only. Finally, we note that counterexamples in which variable binding appears to be possible between a pronoun and antecedent irrespective of c-command have been discussed in the linguistics literature. For example, in Every boy's mother says that he is special the pronoun can be bound by the QP every boy even though the QP does not c-command the pronoun under the standard definition. Barker (2012) discusses a number of such counterexamples and claims that the restriction on variable binding should be recast in terms of semantic scope rather than c-command.