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Prompted by requirements for receipt of federal highway funds, all 50 states and the District of Columbia adopted a minimum legal drinking age of 21 in 1984 (U.S. Congress, 1984). leading to an intensification of policy research to evaluate the outcomes of this change. Prior studies indicated that alcohol use and related problems generally tracked in the predicted direction, but expected changes related to the MLDA did not happen in all 50 states (O��Malley and Wagenaar, 1991; Wagenaar and Wolfson, 1994). Subsequently, and with great improvements in statistical methods, studies for the years 1982 through 1997 concluded Olaparib concentration that, controlling for a number of potential confounding covariates, including driving exposures and other legal interventions, these laws were responsible for a 19% net decrease in fatalities. Further analyses of all studies, including those conducted outside of the United States evaluating the impact of the MLDA, found similar results (Wagenaar and Toomey, 2002). In fact, it has been estimated that consistent enforcement combined with media advocacy and other policy initiatives could reduce sales to minors by as much as 35%�C45% (Holder, 2008). Alcohol pricing and taxes The relationship between alcohol price and consumption, or more frequently between beverage taxes and consumption, has been examined in research dating back to the 1950s (Bryant, 1954; Cook and Tauchen, 1982; Y-27632 cell line Grossman, 1988; Ornstein, 1980; Skog, 1986). Moreover, the relationship appears particularly strong for young people (Grossman et al., 1994; Presley et al., 2002). Early concerns centered on establishing accurate price elasticities (i.e., the proportionate response of sales to a proportionate increase in price) and determining whether different groups of drinkers would respond to price changes in the same or different ways. Parker and Harman (1978) argued bepotastine that different types of drinkers would be differentially responsive to price effects, whereas Schmidt and Popham (1978) argued that heavy drinkers might substitute one beverage type (i.e., beer, wine, or distilled spirits) for another in response to price changes. Ornstein (1980) reviewed what was then known about these issues and suggested that distilled spirits sales were elastic relative to price whereas beer sales were not. This review continued the debates about alcoholic beverage prices and consumption. Today, the effects of prices (and taxes) on sales are well established, and patterns of substitution between types of beverages are better understood, but we know very little about specific impacts on population subgroups. However, it does appear as if increases in prices tend to decrease problem drinking more than overall mean consumption rates.