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The difference between the current results and the results of Vasishth et al. (2010) can be attributed to structural differences between the respective sentence materials. As discussed above, the missing-VP effect is weaker when the relative clauses modify an NP in sentence initial position, as in the study of Vasishth et al. (2010). If readers experience a grammatical illusion in only a subset of trials, it may well be that any reading time advantage resulting from trials eliciting a grammatical illusion is offset by a reading time penalty for trials in which readers detect the ungrammaticality. In contrast to the finding in Bader et al. (2003), the number manipulation had no effect in Experiment 2. We surmise that this difference reflects the fact that Experiment 3 of Bader et al. (2003), but not Experiment 2 of the current study, involved an explicit grammaticality judgment. Since no judgment was required in Experiment 2, the temporary ungrammaticality that might have arisen in conditions with a plural S2 subject could be internally repaired by the parser without any overtly observable effect. 7. General discussion This paper has presented an interference account of the missing-VP effect, that is, the observation that SCH727965 supplier sentences in which a VP is missing can give rise to an illusion of grammaticality. This account is based on experimental investigations of the missing-VP effect in German. While prior reports of the missing-VP effect in German relied on speeded grammaticality judgments, the experiments reported in this paper show that the missing-VP effect is rather robust with regard to the experimental procedure. In particular, the missing-VP effect is so strong that it also occurs when participants have to judge sentences without time pressure, and it occurs as well when participants simply have to read sentences for meaning. The finding of missing-VP effects in German points to the cross-linguistic generality of this kind of grammatical illusion. It is not confined to languages with SVO order but is found in languages with SOV order too. This suggests that the source of the effect is not language-specific but results from more general mechanisms that apply across languages. Interference during cue-based retrieval is a promising candidate for such a general mechanism. It provides a unified account of how sentences with double center-embedding��whether complete or incomplete��are processed. In sentences with double center-embedding, the parser faces two competing attachment sites for the second verb, as illustrated in (19). (19)????[S1 NP1 �� [S2 NP2 �� [S3 NP3 �� VP3] �� VP2 �� (VP1) Processing of NP1 causes the creation of a sentence node and thereby leads to the expectation of a verb. Similar expectations result from the processing of NP2 and NP3. Integration of VP3 fills the open verb slot of S3.